India seems to be on the verge of a important threshold, especially in the way the government approaches the manner in which subsidies are delivered to the poor. It has been estimated that the total quantum of subsidies that the government provides are approximately Rs.116,000 crores (nearly US$2.57 billion). Food and Fertiliser subsidy constitute the lions share of the subsidies - about Rs.100,000 crores (nearly US$2.22 billion). There have been increased calls for the government to simply pay subsidies as a cash grant in order to plug the leakages in the system. A oft quoted premise on which the leakages are calculated is the famous 1985 observation of Mr.Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister, that in India only about 15% of the subsidies actually reach the intended beneficiaries. Cash payout is increasingly seen as the panacea for inefficiencies that plague the government delivery mechanism. Interestingly, the leakages in the system are still calculated on the basis of the 1985 observation.
It may be premature to claim that most of the money is lost due to leakages. On the contrary, i would argue that while the subsidies delivered in their present form may be inefficiently utilised, it would be wrong to argue that it would more efficient and less of a burden to the government to simply pay cash to beneficiaries. I understand that this may be a unpopular argument and may be against the conventionally accepted wisdom, but I am a firm believer that we may be premature to move away from the present system. It may be more profitable for the long-term health of the Indian economy if the government worked towards improving efficiency rather than simply dismantle the present system. The argument against cash subsidy is not simply related to its economic logic but is also based on various other socio-cultural and political conditions/logic based on ground realities/factors. Market fundamentalists and ardent believers of efficient markets love the notion that government should simply provide a cash dole and wash its hands from other welfare measures thereby reducing its burden in the long-term. But, unfortunately we live in a society which is rife with inefficient markets (if they exist), plutocracies (or at best oligopolies), and a creaking legal-institutional framework that is inefficient. The enthusiasm that seems to have encompassed those clamouring for cash payment of subsidies is akin to sailing too close to the wind. It definitely makes me queasy. An attempt is made to elucidate some of the problems that a cash dole will face on a day-to-day basis. I believe that the growing optimism that UID will help better delivery of cash subsidy to the intended beneficiary may be misplaced (at least to a certain extent). Hopefully these fears will prove to be unfounded in the long-term.
While, leakages in the system are undoubtedly high, I would not base any calculation on Rajiv Gandhi's 1985 observation to be the holy grail for calculating leakages in the present. This premise is based on the simple reason that there has been an all-round increase in efficiency in the way subsidies (as well as government services) are delivered to the poor and also due to the fact that due to greater information flows (as well as other factors), the poor themselves have become adept at claiming the benefits due to them. While this may not be true uniformly in the whole of India, there are a large parts of the country where due to a combination of factors they are now able to access various benefits that have been earmarked by the government. Due credit also needs to be given to the government machinery, which due to varied reasons, has become more efficient and more sensitive to charges of malfeasance - at least on more occasions than in the past. This is not to claim that corruption has decreased, instead it now takes different forms and has to an extent become more institutionalised.
By no means would I argue that the direct cash subsidy will not reach the poor. It may just complete that purpose, but my objections are more based on the end of the funds rather than anything else. With the UID and a technology savvy banking sector funds reaching the bank account of the intended beneficiary is the easy part. Once the money is credited, it would be a mistake if we believe that people in their enlightened self-interest would use it in the best possible manner. While I do not want to be patronising in my claims, but the ground realities in India may be completely different. The argument against direct cash payout is based on observations during the course of personal field studies in the past as well as the recent incidents that have come to light in Andhra Pradesh (especially during the microfinance crisis). In Vijayawada region, there are financiers who lend only to government employees (in this case: railway employees) and they come to collect their dues exactly on the day salary is credited to the accounts of employees. Interestingly, the financier not only requires a borrower to sign a blank promissory note(s) but also to submit the Bank Pass Book and the Cheque book (with a certain number of signed blank cheques). During the recent Microfinance Crisis there were reports that came to light during government inquiries that some MFIs also kept the ration cards of the borrowers with them as an additional pressure tactic. Indebtedness is undoubtedly high and with direct cash pay out the lending business will boom because the financier simply knows the best time to collect the due. Once the money is withdrawn there is nothing that the borrower or the government can do for the simple reason that they will have no control over the end use of funds. These issues may not be peculiar to one city, and are bound to exist in different parts of the country, if not in all parts of the country. Mandatory Regulatory requirements that pledge signed affidavits about the end of funds (like IPOs) are successful on paper, but not in real life.
Despite its leakages, the present system of distributing subsidies has a rather impersonal element, in the sense that it goes to nearly everybody who can lay claim to it - even if it means cutting corners by submitting various false claims. The more vociferous and more efficient ones with an uncanny ability to lobby for them have a greater the chance of laying their hands on the benefits in the present system. However, cash subsidy due to the possibility of customisation can lead to extra-economic considerations (especially political, social or cultural issues) and stereotyping that could simply exclude those who are not in the good books of the ruling party. These considerations may be based on faulty perceptions but there is a greater probability that victimisation may become the norm rather than the exception. It is not difficult to foresee a smart politician withholding benefits due to people who may have voted for an opponent.
A more important long-term issue may well be that, one need not be surprised if the government actually ends up paying two times: the first in the form of the well intentioned direct cash subsidy and second as an additional cost that it may have to bear to clean up the mess that it would create. The second unintended cost may have to be borne despite denials because of the simple fact that in a democracy 'the politics of the governed' (to borrow the title of Partha Chaterjee's book) may make greater compulsive logic than balanced budgets and sound economic logic. Add to this the unknown consequences that may arise due to diversion of money by the beneficiaries themselves in order to overcome short-term liquidity problems that may face due to contingency requirements that may fortuitously arise at that particular moment (when the government subsidy money is credited), etc. Moreover we never know how to index the actual cost of production to the actual benefit that the government may want to payout.
Fear of future scams need not be a justification for rocking the boat today. The auction of 3G Spectrum clearly showed that it is possible to conduct a transparent sale of public property. Why not extend it to any process which involves large sums of public money? It is imperative to note that a lot of the above arguments are based on various assumptions that may not materialise, however, it is important to create sufficient checks and balances to avoid these pitfalls. Thus, it may be more prudent for the government to increase efficiency in their current delivery systems rather than simply switch to a system of direct cash handout. Just because we lack a solution to the present problem need not be a ground for instinctive judgment for a large scale shift into an unknown future - at least not without sufficient successful experimentation. In any government action, there is bound to be one section that benefits and it would be fair to believe that a direct cash payout would be a great benefit for those in the lending business: a direct payment would mean that it was probably never so easy to collect a loan.